for Quiet Wars
The Elkhorn Manifesto
"Occult" Power Fortress
Elders of Zion
The Delphi Technique
Skull & Bones
The Clinton Chronicles
"The people gaze fascinated at one or two familiar superficialities, such as possessions, income, rank and other outworn conceptions. As long as these are kept intact, they are quite satisfied. But in the meantime they have entered a new relation: a powerful social force has caught them up."
PROFESSOR G. ON SOCIAL AND BUSINESS LEGISLATION AND POLICY
"There is no proletarian, not even a Communist, movement, that has not operated in the interests of money, in the direction indicated by money, and for the time being permitted by money--and that without the idealists among its leaders having the slightest suspicion of the fact. "
The danger to our system clearly is not that the "people" will spontaneously rise up and dispossess us. The "peo- ple" never initiate anything. All successful movements are led from the top, usually without the knowledge of the move- ment, by men like your father with vast resources and brilliant plans. The real danger arises in the upper-middle classes. Occasionally, these people make vast fortunes through some brilliant technological innovation in their business or through the favor of local politicians that escape our influence. Because of their ignorance of the reality of our power, however, the new rich usually fall easily into our hands. For instance, they seldom realize until too late that the dozens of loans they may owe to apparently independent banks can be called simultaneously with a mere nod from your father. Graver danger is presented by those whose enterprises are so successful as to be self-financing. Since the advent of the corporate income tax truly self-financing corporations are extremely rare. Most disquieting is when these upstarts acquire the covert or open support and advice of your father's major international antagonists. This is par- ticularly dangerous in countries with long democratic tradi- tions where it is difficult to make our arbitrary rulings stick.
The best solution is to enact comprehensive taxes and business regulations in the name of the common good. Such measures reduce the incidence of significant upstart competi- tion to manageable levels. This policy, of course, strangles innovation and productivity. Reduction of the GNPs in countries under your father's control would be acceptable in the interests of secure power under the pretext of conserva- tion, ecology. or no-growth stability except that if carried too far your father's clout vis-a vis his international rivals would be impaired. The most difficult problem for the money lord is determining the level of social and economic freedom he dares allow for the sake of his international power. Only method is to maintain a home base of carefully monitored, relative freedom on which to base the economic and military strength required to maintain an empire of totalitarian dic- tatorships abroad. The following measures, however, are found necessary by nearly all money lords:
1. Steeply Graduated Income Tax. Income tax does not affect us because our money was accumulated before the tax was imposed and most of it is now safely protected in our network of tax exempt foundations. Foundation income and capital can legally be used to finance the bulk of our social, economic, literary, and even political propaganda. In a pinch it is easily diverted to illegal uses. Expensive "studies" required by our profitable economic operations can be legiti- mately financed through foundations.
To the middle classes, however. income tax makes life into an endless treadmill. Even the most productive find themselves unable to accumulate significant capital. They are forced into the clutches of our Central Bank entourage for injections of the inflationary credit which we are privileged to create out of nothing. The self-financing wealth of the legendary 19th Century robber barons and early Twentieth Century tycoons is no longer possible. Although your grand father owed his start to just those wide-open conditions, he was among the first of the super-rich to advocate the erection of the tax wall that is now in place. Please note that in democratic countries eternal vigilance is required to prevent our tax shield from being riddled with loop holes by conniving legislators, who are usually of the tax oppressed, upper-middle class origins themselves.
2. Business Regulation. When upstarts slip through our financial tentacles and tax shields, perhaps with the aid of outsiders, a second line of defense becomes vital licensing in the crucial area of broadcasting has proven particularly necessary. This makes serious upstart-led mass political challenge impossible. Harassment by bureaucrats armed with arbitrary and voluminous industrial safety regulations is a new and increasingly effective technique. Security registra- tion requirements, "to protect the small investor," can cause fatal delays in an upstart's ability to raise capital on the stock market. Ecological considerations are easily perverted to stymie the plans of those who would upset the stability of our carefully planned system.
Anti-trust law, however, is our ultimate weapon. The handy doctrine of "pure and perfect" competition which we have fostered in our universities is ideally suited to convict- mg any successful competitor, at our discretion. If the competitor charges a lower price than ours he is accused of "unfair competition" aimed at driving us from the field to impair future competition. If he asks the same price as we he is open to the charge of collusion. If he charges more than us, he is obviously exploiting his "monopoly power" at the expense of the consumer. Fortunately, the rulings of our bureaucrats are so complicated that even when successfully appealed in court many years elapse before the ruling is rendered. By then our goals are often achieved through harassment.
Product quality, safety, and testing regulations are excellent methods by which we insulate our established industries from potential competition. Beside raising the costs of entry into the auto business, for instance, the cost of "safety" can be passed to the consumer along with a healthy profit mark-up.
3. Subsidies, Tariffs, and Foreign Aid. Although direct sub- sidies can occasionally be procured for our entourage of cor- porations by appealing to the masses' desire to preserve jobs, this exploitive technique is usually too obvious. Tariffs are easily passed, but lead to retaliation against our foreign holdings. Foreign aid and soft (sure to be defaulted) govern- ment guaranteed loans, however, fill the bill perfectly under modern conditions. Foreign aid maintains our empire of for- eign dictators abroad while providing guaranteed, highly profitable sales to our corporations at home base. Foreign aid should always be contingent on the purchase of goods, usually military hardware, that only our entourage of firms can provide. Few have the courage to oppose such altruistic aid to the "starving masses" of the "third world."
4. Centralization of Power. Real division of power between national, state, and local government is dangerous to our system. When local politicians have real autonomy, even in limited spheres, they can do much to enable upstarts to challenge our power. Our program is to bring all levels of government under our sway through such innovations as federal aid, revenue sharing, high federal taxation, and regional government.
5. Alliance with the Lower Classes. In order to keep our valuable regulatory machinery in place and under our control we must have the mass support of the numerous lower classes against our vigorous, but scarce middle-class rivals. The best method is to provide the lower classes with sub- sidies at the expense of the middle class. This creates a mutual hatred that prevents the middle class from appealing effectively to the lower classes for support. Social security, free health care, unemployment benefits, and direct welfare payments, while doing nothing for us directly, create a de- pendent class whose support for our critical measures can easily be made part of a package deal. Please note also that the major labor unions began with our financing and are led to this day by leaders of our choosing. No one can rise to or remain at the top of a rough and tumble union without our financial backing. In spite of their rebellious rhetoric, bought union leaders are the source of our power over the manage- ment of firms with widely held stock. Unions are the ultimate weapon for destroying otherwise invulnerable, self-financing rivals. Further, downward flexibility of wages and prices which obtains without widespread unionization would in- crease the ability of the economy to survive without our aid during the economic crises we create.
Bread and circuses are as useful today as in Roman times for mobilizing the mob against our staid adversaries. Next, Professor D. will describe our education policies.
PROFESSOR D. ON THE ROLE OF PUBLIC EDUCATION
"In our dreams we have limitless resources and the people yield themselves with perfect docility to our molding hands. The present educational conventions fade from our minds, and unhampered by tradition, we work our good will upon a grateful and respon- sive rural folk . . . The task we set before ourselves is a beautiful one, to train these people as we find them to a perfectly ideal life just as they are. So we will organize our children into a little community and teach them to do in a perfect way the things their fathers and mothers are doing in an imperfect way in the home, in shop, and on the farm."
-The objective of Rockefeller
"A general state education is a mere contrivance for molding people to be exactly like one another; and as the mold in which it casts them is that which pleases the predominant power in the government- whether this be a monarch, a priesthood, an aristoc- racy, or the majority of the existing generation--in proportion as it is efficient and successful, it estab- lishes a despotism over the mind, leading by natural tendency to one over the body."
In order to maintain our system of power, the institution of universal public education is indispensable. The an- archy of private education in which any manner of dangerous ideas could be spread cannot be tolerated. Thus we make private education financially impossible to all but the few mostly the elite offspring of our financial entourage, by means of burdensome taxation and regulation. The primary purpose of public education is to inculcate the idea that our crucial institutions of coercion and monopoly were created for the public good by popular national heroes to blunt the past power of the malefactors of great wealth. Crucial is to create the impression that, although the people have been exploited in the past, today the wealthy are at the mercy of an all- powerful government which is firmly in the hands of the people or do-gooding liberals.
For those of more sophistication who reject this Pollyanna view of reality, we promote the "liberal reformer mentality" which holds that a new era of reform is on the verge of crushing forever the last vestiges of money lordism. Of course, the reforms, after taking shape as a bewildering myriad of regulatory agencies and taxes, are found to be ineffective in subordinating our power to the popular will, whereupon we stir up another era of progressive reform.
Our contrived Left-Right spectrum which our compulsory education helps to make universal is valuable in assuring that this charade does not get out of hand. The Pollyannas in the middle are neither dangerous nor useful in this endeavor. What is needed is a feeble, but persistent right-conservatism to moderate and emasculate the liberal reforms. Conserva- tives tend to resist all the advances in centralized, govern- ment power that we lead the liberals to see as necessary in order to totally end the "undemocratic" power of money in society. Conservatism would rather promote a "pluralism" of competing interests in which money is the medium of compe- tition than risk the excesses of "big government," When "liberal" reforms show signs of exceeding our intentions and actually threaten to place our key institutions in the hands of the people, we can always count on the conservatives to defend our power under the illusion that they are defending the legitimate rights of "free-enterprise capitalists." On the rare occasions when conservatives call for subjecting our enterprises to laissez-faire competition, we can count on the dominant liberal reformers to insist on more government interference, unaware of our desire for such, in effect, self- administered regulation.
The Right has such a fear of the Left's dream of democra- tic collectivism and the Left such a hatred for what it sees as the Right's elitist, rugged individualism that there is little danger that they will ever join forces to overturn our govern- ment-backed monopolies even though we violate the ideals of both left and right.
Centralization of control at the state, or preferably national level, assists in building the climate of opinion we require in public education. Failing to obliterate local control, other methods nearly as effective are available. Our over- whelming financial clout in the publishing industry can induce relatively uniform textbook selection. Further leverage can be created by promoting teacher colleges and teaching machines. National teacher's associations and unions are also an excellent power base from which to foster our programs of indoctrination.
With our great influence in publishing and publicity we are able to, selectively popularize educational theorists whose views are incidentally beneficial, compatible, or at least not in conflict with our own goals. This way we obtain sincere, energetic activists to propagate our desires without having to reveal our motives or even existence. We do not want an educational system that produces hard-driving individuals bent on amassing great wealth and power. Therefore, we discourage education that would develop the potential powers of students to their fullest. "Liberal" education that stresses knowledge for its own sake or even sophistry and sterile mental gymnastics is of no danger to us. "Relevant," vocational, or career oriented education also poses no danger to our power. Education that prepares students to accept a cog-like existence in our military-industrial-social-welfare- regulation complex is ideal. Progressive education with its stress on "social adjustment" also produces the conformity we require of our subjects. Emphasis on competitive sports may produce a certain amount of disruptive competitiveness among the participants, but primarily has the effect of creating life-long voyeuristic spectators who will enthusias- tically sublimate their competitiveness into endless hours of following college and professional sports on the boob tube. Space spectaculars and dramatic political infighting are also marvelous diversions with which to occupy the masses.
Anyone seeking social change will gravitate to the field of education. Our strategy is simple: Let only those succeed whose influence would be compatible with our power. En- courage all who would develop the passive or receptive mode of existence. Discourage all who promote the aggressive or active capacities. Build a great cult of salvation through end- less education, touting it as the "democratic" path to success Deride the frontal approach to success of the "outmoded'; rugged individualist.
Before yielding the floor to Professor X., who will discuss the role of secret societies and prestigious clubs, I would like to comment on the demise of religious education as a vehicle for social control. Religion, in its time, was a remarkable weapon for inculcating subservience, altruism, and self-abne- gation among our subjects. We did not give up this weapon voluntarily. Your grandfather, for one, supported the Baptist faith well after most finance capitalists had turned wholly to secular ideologies. However, a trend toward rationality in human affairs plods along inexorably quite outside the reach of our power. Only in our totalitarian dictatorships can this trend be quashed entirely. In the semi-open societies in which our money power is based, the forces of reason can only be impeded and diverted. Some have theorized that, eventually, widespread rational egoism will overturn our order. I am confident that secular faiths and just plain confu- sion will suffice to sustain our power for many centuries to come.
PROFESSOR X. ON PRESTIGIOUS ASSOCIATIONS AND SECRET SOCIETIES
"Every compulsion is put upon writers to become safe, polite, obedient, and sterile. In protest, I de- clined election to the National Institute of Arts and Letters some years ago, and now I must decline the Pulitzer Prize. "
"It is useless to deny, because it is impossible to conceal, that a great part of Europe--the whole of Italy and France and a great portion of Germany, to say nothing of other countries--is covered with a network of these secret societies, just as the super- ficies of the earth is now being covered with rail- roads."
(Earl of Beaconsfield)
July 14, 1856
In preserving and protecting our grasp on nations we must exert veiled control of all major opinion molding associations and especially prestigious clubs which attract the leaders in various fields and do so much to influence the dis- pensing of commanding positions in government and business. Associations of the leading scholars, businessmen, writers, religionists, artists, bureaucrats, newsmen, ideolo- gists, publishers, broadcasters, and professional men as well as special interest groups representing laborers, farmers, consumers, racial minorities, and so on must be subtly kept under the broad limits of our sway. Since membership dues and fees are never sufficient to support their ambitious ac- tivities, voluntary, non-profit organizations are easy prey for the nearly unlimited financial resources of our entourage. However, our real motive, to further our political and econo- mic power, must not be revealed in the process. Our policies must be laboriously rationalized in terms compatible with prevalent ideologies and moralities or the material advantage of the groups involved. Leaders of such groups are remark- ably quick to accept our rationalizations when financial support is extended. We engage in outright bribery only as a last resort, and then, only in extreme cases. Our long-range interests are better served by temporarily postponing a policy victory than by risking exposure of our power by at- tempting outright bribery. In fact, clumsy bribery and intim- idation attempts are characteristic of our foolish nouveau riche opponents.
As an example, if we decide that federal rather than state chartering or licensing of corporations would further our control over the economy, we would not simply order politicians and opinion leaders to support our desires. Cor- porations not relishing central control would be suspicious that something was afoot and might expose our plot. Our strategy would be as follows: 1. Sacrifice one of our less competent management teams in a well-publicized corporate scandal in order to focus attention on the "widespread problem of corporate corruption under current, lax regula- tions." 2. Through well-funded agents, thrust into the public- ity spotlight intellectuals or groups who already support federal licensing as a piecemeal step toward socialism. (One can find pre-existing supporters for nearly any measure with sufficient effort.) 3. After the issue is before the public, offer to support through foundations the "objective" study of the federal licensing proposals being discussed with an eye toward proposing legislation. Often, simultaneous support for studies by disreputable, irrational groups who will oppose the proposal is useful as well. Provide no platform for well-reasoned opposition. 4. When a ground swell of support appears to be building provide the interested lobbying organ- izations with plenty of funds to grease the palms of politi- cians. The enactment of the federal licensing law thus appears as the will of society. Last ditch opposition automa- tically appears mean spirited, obstructionist, reactionary, and paranoid, serving only to discredit our opposition.
In our fully developed system of finance capitalist thought control and promotion control, our hierarchy of prestigious associations is capped by a single prestige society: The Council of World Affairs. This organization is a front for the secret society of which your father is head. This secret society is made up of the people who have spoken, plus six others not present. You are replacing Professor Q. who is to retire shortly. Eventually you will replace your father. We thirteen are your father's advisors and only confidants. All other agents are misled as to the bulk of our objectives and motives. Their knowledge is restricted to the details required by their assignments. The penalty for disloyalty is death.
The Council is invaluable for propagating our policy deci- sions to our entourage without revealing our motives and strategy. In many instances, policy can he successfully sold to our entourage and thus transmitted to the multitudes by merely airing it along with appropriate rationalizations in a single awe-inspiring session of the Council. The informal power of the Council is such that our policy manipulations are usually attainable without the clumsy exercises in brute power that invariably snag the independent power seekers. The Council is at the heart of what is called the Establish- ment and we are at the heart of the Council.
At the Council's inception, we worked hard to attract the successful of all fields with all the prestige that our money power could buy. We had to work hard convincing the independent, self-made Council members to move in harmony with our policy objectives. We had many failures. Now everything is changed. Membership is no longer a reward for success as much as it is a prerequisite for major success. Without Council membership only the most outstanding can achieve national prominence. With membership, glaring mediocrities, with the "right" attitudes, achieve prominence. In fact. mediocrities are much more adapted to propagating our policy rationalizations and less likely to detect and oppose our ulterior motives. A power lusting mediocrity is not likely to judge his benefactors too harshly or inquire diligently into the nature of the power structure that brought him what he fears was undeserved success. The vanity of even idealistic, committed humanitarians militates against such a course.
The Council is now a giant employment agency of loyal- ists ready to parrot our public line from the commanding posts of government, foundations, broadcasting, industry, banking, and publishing. Although Council members are en- couraged to take sides and bicker over the diversionary issues we create to entertain and enfeeble the populace, their solidarity in defending our power structure, root and branch, when pressed is a sight to behold! And to think that most see themselves as righteous defenders of the public good while they dismiss whispered rumors of our power structure as "kooky paranoia."
Classical secret societies with elaborate circles within circles no longer play a major role in finance capitalist power structures. Most wide membership secret societies have degenerated into middle class excuses for escaping the wife and kids once a month for the company of men. But secret societies were a major weapon of our bourgeoisie forebearers in their struggle with the old feudal order of kings and princes. Under authoritarian despotism of the old style, the secret society was the only place a free thinking man could express himself. Through threats of exposure, loyalty oaths, patronage, deception, and rewards we bound such malcon- tents into a fierce force for our revolution. The multitude of degrees, occult mumbo-jumbo, and vague humanitarianism concealed the real goals of our secret societies from the bulk of the membership. The roles of the "Illuminated" Masonic Lodges in European revolutions were decisive in our final victory over the old order.
I now yield the floor to Professor Y. who will discourse on the real "secret societies" the Modern Finance Capitalist State: the National Security Institutions and Intelligence Agencies.
PROFESSOR Y. ON COVERT OPERATIONS AND INTELLIGENCE
In our fully developed state-capitalist systems we have found absolute control of governmental intelligence gathering and covert operations to be vital.
Besides providing a valuable tool in our struggle with rival dynasties, such control is now an integral and necessary part of our day to day operations. Large intelligence communities are inevitable, given the system of all encompassing governments which we have imposed upon the world during our ascent to power. Our power would be short-lived indeed if the pervasive influence and power of these iron-disciplined intelligence agencies fell into the hands of mere politicians, especially those beyond our control.
We do not allow intelligence agencies to pursue the "national interest," the way the public conceives "spies" to operate. Politicians cannot be permitted to divert the power and influence of our intelligence community from the esoteric requirements of our Money Power to petty political struggles.
Neither nationalistic aspirations of races and peoples nor ideological visions of intellectuals for humanity can be allowed to pervert intelligence and covert operations. Our rationalizations, both within the intelligence community and to the public at large, must be diverse and flexible, but the intelligence community must further without exception the inexorable goals we have set for humanity.
No crisis is more serious for our Money Power than an attempt by a head of government to assume personal control of intelligence and operations or to by-pass existing agencies by setting up parallel ones. Such intrusions must be met decisively. Although a contrived scandal to remove the offending politician from office is the first line of defense, we dare not shrink from assassination when necessary.
Perhaps the most accurate overview of our intelligence community can be achieved by visualizing it as a "nationalized secret society." Our predecessors, in their struggle against the old order of kings and princes, had to finance secret societies such as the Illuminati, Masons, German Union, etc. out of their own pockets.
At great expense and risk such secret societies were able to infiltrate the major governmental and private institutions of the nations that our noble predecessors targeted for take over by the Money Power. Such bureaucratic take-overs are expensive and time consuming. They can be considered complete only when promotions, raises, and advancements are no longer based on objective service to the stated organizational objectives, but are in the hands of the infiltrating group and its secret goals.
How much easier it is for us, the inheritors of a fully developed state- capitalist system! By appealing to "national security" we are able to finance and erect secret societies of a colossal scope, far beyond the wildest dreams of our path breaking predecessors. Besides the benefits of public financing reaped by these "nationalized secret societies," we obtain a decisive advantage from the fact that these our "spook" operations are sanctioned by law!
Maintaining discipline, loyalty, and secrecy is no longer solely a matter of propaganda, blackmail, patronage, and intimidation. Although these remain important tools, especially in emergency cases, ordinary discipline among initiates (now called agents) can be encouraged by appealing to patriotism and can be enforced in courts of law by prosecuting "national security violations."
As massive as our intelligence community has become in itself, we still operate strictly on the finance capitalist principle of leverage. Just as a rational finance capitalist never owns more stock in a corporation than the bare minimum required for control, intelligence operatives are placed only in as many key positions as are required to control the target organizations. Our goal, after all, is agent control of all significant organizations, not intelligence community member ship for the entire population.
The organizational pattern of baffling "circles within circles," characteristic of classical secret societies, is retained and refined by our intelligence community. That "one hand not know what the other is doing" is essential to the success of our operations. In most cases, we do not allow the operatives themselves to know the ultimate, and when possible, even the short-range objectives of their assignments.
They operate under "covers" that disguise our goals not only from the public and target groups, but from the agents themselves. For instance, many agents operating under "left cover" are led to believe that the agency, or at least their department, is secretly, but sincerely motivated by socialistic ideology. Thus, they assume that the intelligence agency's ultimate goal is to guide left-wing groups in "productive" directions, even though they cannot always see how their own assignment fits into those assumed goals.
Other "left-cover" agents, those with right-wing predilections, are encouraged to believe the agency is simply "monitoring" violence prone, subversive groups in order to protect the public. When such agents are asked to participate in or even lead radical activity they assume that the ultimate objective is to fully infiltrate and destroy the organization for the good of the country. This is very seldom the case. We waste little or no money protecting the "public" or defending the "nation."
Agents operating under "right-cover" are handled in symmetrical fashion. Agents with right-wing prejudices are encouraged to believe the agency is right-wing. Left-prejudiced agents are asked to operate under "right- cover" in order to "monitor" dangerous rightist organizations. Most intelligence agents remain blithely ignorant of the big picture which is so clear to us from our spectacular vantage point. Very few have enough information or intelligence to reason out how their specific and sometimes baffling assignments promote the legislative, judicial, operational and propaganda needs of our Money Power. Most would never try. They are paid too much to think about such things.
Agents with a "gangster-cover" are of two types. First, there is the sincere gangster that draws his salary from an intelligence agency. He b led to believe that the gangland "Godfathers" control the government agency for their own purposes. Actually, the situation is the opposite. The agency controls the gangster for other purposes. Second, is the sincere crime fighter who is led to believe that the agency is at tempting to infiltrate and monitor the gangsters as a preliminary step to destroying organized crime. Such "upstanding" agents commit many crimes in their zeal to rid the country of organized crime!
To envision how we operate in this lucrative field, let's briefly look at the mechanics of dope smuggling. Police and customs officials are told to leave certain gangsters alone, even when transporting suspicious cargoes. This is made to seem perfectly proper since it is well known that secret police infiltrators of organized crime must participate in crimes in order to gain the confidence of gangsters.
What customs agent would want to upset a carefully laid plan to "set-up" the underworld kingpins of dope pushing! But the agent, as well as the police who cooperate, are mistaken in believing that the purpose of the assignment to help smuggle dope is ultimately to smash organized crime. If he could see the big picture, as we can, the agent would see that practically all our dope is smuggled by federal intelligence agents and secret police! How ever could such a volume be transported safely? Real harassment and prosecution is reserved for those who enter the field without our approval.
Here is our organized crime strategy: On the one hand we pass laws to ensure that mankind's favorite pastimes (vices) are illegal. On the other hand, we cater to these "vices" at a huge monopoly profit with complete immunity from prosecution.
A new and growing methodology of our intelligence community is psycho and drug-controlled agents. Properly, these are referred to as "behavior modified" agents, or, in the vernacular, "zombies." With the use of hypnotic drugs, brain washing, sensory deprivation, small group "sensitivity" training, and other behavior modification techniques, the scope of which was hinted in the movie "Clockwork Orange," complete personalities can be manufactured from scratch, to the specifications of value structure profiles we design by computer to suit our purposes. Such personalities are quite neurotic and unstable due to defects in our still developing technology, but still useful for many purposes.
The primary virtue of "zombies," of course, is loyalty. Agents that are subconsciously programmed for the assignment at hand cannot be conscious traitors. All a "zombie" can do is reveal how compulsive and psychotic he is with regard to his "cause." Even to trained psychologists he simply appears to be the proverbial "lone nut." Although the "zombie" may have memories of psychotherapy at a government agency when questioned under hypnosis, this is unlikely to raise suspicion in the mind of court-appointed psychologists. After all, "lone nuts" should be kept in insane asylums and subjected to psychotherapy! At most, the government hospital will be reprimanded for letting a loony loose before he was cured.
Until our techniques can be perfected the use of "zombies" must be restricted to "national dramas" designed to justify the growing power of our centralized governments over the lives of our people. Most suicidal radicals and "crazies" who so mysteriously avoid arrest for years at a time are "zombies" conditioned to terrorize the public in the name of some irrational ideology. After repeated doses of such terror, the public is conditioned to accept the necessity of our intrusive police- state with very little objection.
The way is clear for an accelerated program of behavior modification research to be conducted mostly at public expense in the name of mental health and rehabilitation. Such research can be conducted with little complaint in prisons, refugee camps, drug rehabilitation centers, government hospitals, veterans hospitals, and even public schools and day care centers. Mental institutions, methadone maintenance centers, and prisons are fertile fields for recruiting the deranged or drug addicted persons most suitable for "zombie" conversions. Of course, only a few of our most trusted agents actually participate in the creation of "zombies." The brilliant researchers and experimenters who make most of the break-throughs earnestly believe that their techniques are destined strictly for the betterment of mankind.
Inevitably, a fraction of the population objects to behavior modification as an infringement of man's "sacred" free-will even if they are convinced that our intentions are benign. We carefully leak a few scandals to satisfy such persons that our experiments are being kept within bounds and that excesses are being stopped. Our artificial scandals exposing the "excesses" of coercive psychology are carefully designed to make the researchers seem incompetent and clumsy to the point of maiming and killing their "patients." This effectively conceals the fantastic strides we have made toward total behavioral control. Great things are going to be possible in the future.
I now return the floor to your father for his concluding remarks.
MY CLOSING REMARKS
My son, you surely have many questions about my strategy in the seemingly momentous economic and political crises that are shaking national and international affairs. You and I will begin handling them in detail shortly. For tonight, let me be brief. Most of the current national upheavals are stage-managed to consolidate our monopoly position in government and business against the continual nuisance of economically competent, but politically naive competitors. Likewise, most international crises are managed to exert pressure on our obstreperous, reluctant puppet dictators in underdeveloped areas. These events are fairly easy to manage. I expect to place such management in your hands as soon as possible.
The real challenge lies in dealing with my international peers. These are the real crises since they are crises of my power structure, not just of my subject populations and puppets. In the vast chess game with my peers there are no rules and no proven tactics. Mutual vulnerability, alone, limits the conflict. My peers and I have labored for decades to erect a world government and banking system under which we could all share finance capitalism's millennium without the nightmare of internecine warfare. With the advent of nuclear war a new world order seemed particularly desirable. I say ostensibly we have labored for world government because none of us are sure the others will ever voluntarily surrender sovereignty to the group. The schedule set after the last World War has not been met. So far, the world government idea has served mainly to enthuse collectivist intellectuals, and secondarily to veil each finance capitalist's maneuvers for supremacy from the rest.
The future course of finance capitalism is difficult to predict. Our empires are too fragile to risk all-out battles for supremacy among ourselves. Our power would dissipate to second echelon wealthy during the struggle. Yet we continue to chip away at rival empires on the premise that offense is the best defense. On the other hand, purely political leaders are helpless before our money power. When Caesars arise, they are of our making.
Perhaps our system will simply remain much as it is, secure on the national level and disturbingly pluralistic at the international level, until reason and egoism have developed among our populations to such an extent that our occult technology of money power becomes obvious to all who think and must yield to either anarchy or a more advanced form of deception
AFTERWORD BY THE TRANSCRIBER
"The names of some of these banking families are familiar to all of us and should be more so. They in clude Baring, Lazard, Erlanger, Warburg, Schroder, Seligman, the Speyers, Mirabaud, Mallet, Fould, and above all Rothschild and Morgan."
Any resemblance of these characters to persons living or dead is purely coincidental. Any resemblance of their meth- odology to that of real ruling elites is purely intentional. The extent to which I represent or exaggerate the self-conscious, intentional power technology of real politico-economic rulers and their unity is for the reader to decide after studying available empirical evidence.
I am providing a bibliography of relevant historical works to aid the curious reader. I have included no works written from spurious pluralistic suppositions no one seems to consider pluralism as a proposition requiring evidence since they are flooding the market. Unfortunately, many works listed affirm that ideas rather than individual struggles for wealth and power propel history; that is, they view the elites they observe ruling the world as ideologically motivated. Thus we have the spectacle of the Right claiming that major finance capitalists such as the Rockefellers or Rothschilds are "communist" conspirators or "socialists." On the other hand, we see the I,Left claiming that the same people are bent on imposing laissez -faire capitalism, or in a slightly more realistic vein, are fanatical proponents of fascism. Virulent white racism is another ideology foolishly ascribed to the ruling class by the Left. This opinion is nicely balanced by the charge from the Right that the elite wants to "mongrel- ize" and thus submerge the white race. As usual the elite, completely free of prejudice, supports both sides of this battle for its own ends.
As should be clear by now, I believe that finance capital- ists (Ferdinand Lundberg has dubbed them finpols, or financial politicians) are understandably attempting to make their power as extensive as possible without incurring the severe risks which plague pubpols (public politicians). (It seems that only the most daring finpols are willing to take on the additional risks of pubpoldom, perhaps only because they are denied the reins to the family's fortune by more privileged relatives.) Pubpols lose their privacy and thus their right to sexual impropriety in addition to incurring vul- nerability to electioneering and worse in "democratic" coun- tries. In most areas of the world the lot of the pubpols is even worse. Purge, assassination, and armed coup are regu- lar events. While totalitarianism of Right or Left at home eliminates the shield of secure private property desired by finpols, laissez--faire is likewise rejected out-of-hand as hell- on-earth by enlightened power-seekers.
Egoism, mitigated only by the reality of circumstance, is the motive to realistically attribute to healthy elites. An elite under the spell of mental spooks could not hold sway for long. Although finpol statism is increasingly a crisis for its victims, there is as yet no evidence that the elite itself is in serious crisis. Even inflation, the current crisis for the powerless, is simply another crisis to be managed toward the end of consolidating, extending, and refreshing elite power. No doubt the depression which must inevitably follow will be managed to even better effect at the expense of the masses.
I have classified the bibliography into the categories Right and Left. In each list I begin with the most objective works and proceed to the works most infected with mental spooks and emotional hysteria. These books should be read for empirical data, not theoretical insight. A list of less ideologi- cally biased works is provided as well. I quote and recom- mend authors, not to imply support for my scenario where there is none, but to credit a few of those who have provided grist for my thoughts.
AUTHOR STILL UNKNOWN
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