LIBERTY -- YOUR RIGHT TO MAKE A LIVING
CopyrightŠ 2004, Jim Carter
PART 2:
NO TAX ON LIBERTY
Freedom is seldom lost overnight.
In the usual setting, an established society will tolerate the form of
government to which they have become accustomed and allow gradual encroachment
on previous sacrosanct areas under a multitude of rationale---usually with
silence. If citizens forget that they have a right, they will not be able to
assert it. Pursuit of pastimes results in relinquishing protection of our most
basic freedoms to the care of others---and a new master is acquired.
In the United States, lawyers have gradually filled that
position. As public schools utilize state/federal mandated textbooks that are
more concerned with social science than history, racial hegemony than property
rights, and the conceived responsibilities of government rather than the rights
of an individual, law school became the last bastion to teach the rights of man.
But even there, Miranda rights and Blevins actions to control the local police
have replaced instruction on limiting the expansion of fabian socialism. Law
schools that teach politically incorrect concepts that restrict government may
not be able to place interns in choice federal courts or receive lucrative
federal grants. To strenuously argue economic limitations on the federal
government in tax "court" will find permission to advocate is
canceled. Such advocacy in district court will find an individual ridiculed,
smeared, sanctioned, or find the state granted privilege to pursue a profession
has been jeopardized.
If there is any one specific right firmly entrenched in
our organic law, it is the right to Liberty as identified in the Declaration of
Independence, the Preamble to the Constitution, the Fifth Amendment, and
specifically applied to the states by the 14th Amendment. Our forefathers
succinctly identified the purpose for lawful government: "That to secure
these rights (of Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness), Governments are
instituted among Men..." Declaration of Independence. It has been said that
the rights to life, liberty, and property are so related that the deprivation of
any one of these separate and independent rights may lessen or extinguish the
value of the others. Smith v. Texas, 233 US 630.
Liberty has been adjudicated to include a vast group of
rights but perhaps the extent of its meaning can best be visualized by observing
political systems that are considered as oppressive. In those countries we see
persecution for statements deemed unpleasant to government; restrictions on
travel; individuals and businesses that promote/contribute to political parties
receiving government favors; housing allocated by government; and privacy from
government non-existent. Our forefathers faced only slightly less oppression:
taxation without consent; government indifferent to public lamentations; denial
of judicial procedures/protections; arbitrary confiscation of property under
color of law; and other items witnessed in the Declaration of Independence. With
this hindsight and a desire to formulate a descriptive encapsulation of a word,
it is suggested that the essence of liberty is freedom from government. Did I
say these were historic or other nation's problems?
That liberty includes the right to pursue a livelihood and
provide for a family is a most profound proviso of constitutional adjudication.
Liberty "means not only the right of the citizen to be free from the mere
physical restraint of his person, as by incarceration, but the term is deemed to
embrace the right of the citizen to be free in the enjoyment of all his
facilities; to be free to use them in all lawful ways; to live and work where he
will; to earn his livelihood by any lawful calling; to pursue any livelihood or
avocation, and for that purpose to enter into all contracts which may be proper,
necessary and essential to his carrying out to a successful conclusion the
purposes above mentioned." Allgeyer v. Louisiana, 165 US 578, 589. And
again: "It requires no argument to show that the right to work for a living
in the common occupations of the community is of the very essence of the
personal freedom and opportunity that it was the purpose of the amendment to
secure." Truax v. Raich, 239 US 33, 41. Greene v. McElroy, 300 US 474; Meyer
v Nebraska, 262 US 390; Butchers Union v. Crescent City, 111 US 746; Grosjean v
American Press, 297 US 233: Regents v. Roth, 408 US 564; Hall v. Geiger-Jones, 242
US 539; Chicago B & Q R. Co v. McGuire, 219 US 549.
Of what value is life if the individual cannot exchange
the sweat of his brow for the things that make life worthwhile? If ever there
was a fundamental right that is "preservative of all rights" (ref.
Harman v. Forssenius, 380 US 528, 537 referring to the right to vote), it is the
right to make a living. What more fundamental right do citizens have than to
feed and house themselves? An individual cannot maintain any freedom from
government if the earnings of his labor are subject to some arbitrary
self-serving government assessment made in the cavernous depths of some
political bureaucracy without authorization by the citizenry. The question of
whether the fruits of an individual's labor belonged to another resulted in a
most violent period in this nation's history. Slavery is no less reprehensible
because it is a government action.
We are informed by various pundits that taxes consume 40
to 60% of a citizen's wages, and increases annually. A study by the Office of
Management and Budget included in the president's federal budget released in
1994 included projections on percentages of lifetime earnings future generations
would pay in taxes. Various alternatives went to 82% and 93.7%. While subject to
challenges and changes, just the potential of the figures being accurate is
horrifying. Reflecting on the government propensity to understate future
expenses and increase future taxes, it may be assumed the percentage will prove
to be understated. At what percentage do we shift from peonage to slavery?
Is it possible that a constitutional right can properly be
an object of taxation? Perhaps in the rare case where the police powers of
government are necessary to protect the health and safety of the public, but the
income tax is not a police power---it is the exercise of mere revenue power.
Even a regulatory tax involving police powers must be closely drawn within
constitutional restraints or be denied. Lochner v. New York, 198 US 45, 56;
Schneider v. New Jersey, 308 US 147, 150. Nor can a valid regulatory tax be
expanded to infringe on constitutional rights. Bates v. Little Rock, 361 US 516.
A revenue tax on a constitutional right is summarily rejected: "A
(government) may not impose a charge for the enjoyment of a right granted by the
federal constitution." Murdock v. Pennsylvania, 319 US 105, 113. Taxes
exacted as a price of exercising freedoms protected by the constitution are
presumptively invalid for "on their face they are a restriction of the free
exercise of those freedoms." id 114. If it were otherwise, all
constitutional rights could be taxed out of existence.
Taxation has been adjudicated to be a matter of
sovereignty, and that over which the government is not sovereign is not a
suitable basis for taxation. McCulloch v. Maryland, 17 US 316. The U.S.
Constitution is accepted as a grant of authority to the government from the
people and any authority not granted is retained by We the sovereign people.
Adkins v. Children's Hospital, 261 US 525, 559. If the right to pursue a
livelihood is retained by "We the [sovereign] people," how then does
the government acquire the necessary sovereignty to make the pursuit of our
livelihood a suitable object for taxation? A sovereign is not subject to
taxation. Pittman v. Home Owners Loan, 308 US 21.
The court has recognized the power to tax is
"the power to control or suppress its enjoyment." Murdock v
Pennsylvania, 317 US 105, 112. The Bill of Rights specifically enumerates areas
forbidden to the federal government; they are reserved and secured for the
people. A tax upon any right secured by the Bill of Rights would require
relinquishing control of that right to the government. We the people do not
desire to relinquish control of our livelihood nor are we aware of any such
action in the past. Acquiescence in loss of fundamental rights will not be
presumed. Ohio Bell v. Public Utilities Commission, 301 U.S. 292.
Perhaps the concept escapes the casual observer: the right
to trial by jury cannot be conditioned upon the payment of $10,000 in advance to
defray the costs of the trial; an annual fee of $3000 cannot become a condition
to keep a rifle in the house; the right to security of papers in a home or of
the freedom of the press cannot be conditioned to only papers that do not
contain unpleasant remarks about the government; the assistance of counsel is
not conditioned to an ability to pay; the right to cross a state boundary cannot
be taxed. Crandall v. Nevada, 73 US 35. "The right...is too precious, too
fundamental, to be so burdened or conditioned." Harper v. Virginia, 383 US
663, 670. Surely the right to vote in the Harper case is no more precious or
fundamental than putting food on the table and a roof over your family. The
$1.50 optional poll tax forbidden by the Harper court pales when compared with
the criminally enforced mandatory burden on pursuing a livelihood. "The
mere chilling of a constitutional right by a penalty on its exercise is patently
unconstitutional." Shapiro v. Thompson, 394 US 618. If conditions can be
imposed on constitutional rights, all constitutional rights can be conditioned
out of existence.
But, it might be suggested, the law was passed by the
elected representatives of the people; they were empowered to pass the
legislation and to cause its enforcement. The court declares otherwise.
"The very purpose of a Bill of Rights was to withdraw certain subjects from
the vicissitudes of political controversy, to place them beyond the reach of
majorities and officials and to establish them as legal principles to be applied
by the courts. One's right to life, liberty, and property, to free speech, a
free press, freedom of worship and assembly, and other fundamental rights may
not be submitted to vote; they depend on the outcome of no elections." West
Virginia v. Barnett, 319 US 624, 638. If a direct vote of the people cannot
accomplish an object, neither can an indirect vote by elected representatives.
Perhaps it might be suggested that title 26 authorizes a tax on wages? The
court states the priorities: "(A) legislative act contrary to the
Constitution is not law." Carter v. Carter Coal Co., 298 US 238. ovrd
on other grounds
.
Is it possible that the exercise of a constitutional right
can properly be the basis for a criminal act? If a citizen earns dollars
exercising a constitutional right, must a percentage be surrendered to Caesar to
avoid incarceration? Of course not. An individual cannot become guilty of
a crime for exercising his right to avoid self-incrimination. Counselman v
Hitchcock, 142 US 547; Miranda v. Arizona, 384 US 436. Nor can denying government
access to a man's house except upon presentation of a warrant be considered a
criminal act. See v. Seattle, 387 US 541. Nor must speech be censored to the
tastes of government or risk sedition charges. If the exercise of a
constitutional right can become the cause for imprisonment, the constitution has
been nullified and there is no security from omnipotent government; the
constitution has become a worthless scrap of paper. Marchetti v. US, 390 US 39,
57.
Can conditions for the exercise of a constitutional right
be imposed? Can the government properly require an individual to inform the
government of the extent and nature of the exercise of a constitutional right
(i.e., file 1040 forms, submit books and records, etc.) or risk punitive
action/incarceration? Of course not. The conditions are only a subterfuge---a
diversion of attention. It is the exercise of the constitutional right that is
the nexus of potential incarceration; it is for its exercise that the individual
risks punishment. The government's action is a means to simplify gathering of
information so the fruits of the individual's exercise of constitutional rights
can be confiscated. If the object of taxation cannot properly be taxed,
penalties for gathering information for the (illegal) taxation cannot be
sustained.
Perhaps a rational analysis is not required. The court has
flatly rejected the imposition of a tax upon a right secured by the Bill of
Rights. Murdock v. Pennsylvania, 319 US 105. Likewise a tax levied on a federal
right of interstate commerce was invalidated. McGoldrick v. Berwind-White, 309 US
33; Hood v. Dumond, 336 US 525. Nor can the exercise of religion be taxed.
Follett v. McCormick, 321 US 573. Nor can the right to vote (an implied right) be
taxed. Harper v. Virginia, 383 US 663. The poll tax is "a penalty imposed on
those who wish to exercise their right (and) ...the tying of its collection to
the franchise would be invalid as a charge on a very precious constitutional
right." U.S. v. Texas, 252 F.Sup 234, 255; affirmed 384 US 155. [This
eloquent district court opinion must be read !!] Constitutional rights are not
suitable objects for taxation.
It may be suggested that the revenue from the income tax
is required by the government, or more euphemistically: "There is an
overriding government interest to uphold" or "A sound tax system is of
such a high order." (King John reportedly made similar platitudes when
forced to accept the Magna Carta; King Charles shortly before he lost his head;
King George before he lost the colonies.) It is submitted there is no higher
order, in a republic as guaranteed by article 4, section 4 of the constitution
than the rights of the people. A claim of necessity has little sway if the
constitution has any significance. "It must be conceded that there are such
rights in every free government beyond the control of the state. A government
which recognized no such rights...is after all but a despotism...of all the
powers conferred upon government, that of taxation is most liable to abuse...the
power to tax is the power to destroy." Loan Association v. Topeka, 87 US
655, 663.
There are political forms espousing ideologies that
include government control of common occupations. We try to believe these forms
are not within the United States. If the power to tax exists, it is a matter of
indifference to the courts if the tax destroys the object of the tax. Magnona v
Hamilton, 292 US 40, 46. Whether the income tax is destroying the secured
liberty of the U.S. citizen may depend on whether the beholder is a taxpayer or
a tax beneficiary, but it is irrelevant for adjudication. The issue is
principle, not feigned necessity.
There are those who would suggest the United States got
along much better for 165 years without a significant income tax than the last
60 years with continually heavier taxation. A significant reduction of the tax
burden is analyzed by some economic pundits to result in a great boon for the
U.S. economy. In adamant concurrence, former Secretary of the Treasury William
E. Simon repeatedly warned a deaf Congress during innumerable hearings that the
level of taxation threatens "the liberty of the American people...that the
state itself is a threat to individual liberty." A Time for Truth, p
12, 14. [Mr. Simon accuses the U.S. and New York City of cooking their
accounting books. Judging from numerous recent accounting and management
fiascoes in private business, "the government is the potent, the
omnipresent, teacher which breeds contempt for law among the people by its
example."] But the courts have wisely declared the social/economic
philosophies of Herbert Spencer---or John Maynard Keynes or Murray Rothbard---are
irrelevant to the court. The issue is still principle. This is a constitution we
are propounding.
Our judicial system has recognized the status of the
sovereign citizen and acknowledged individuals voluntarily comply with
provisions of the tax law. Flora v. U.S., 362 US 145. This individual has decided
that he no longer wishes to volunteer further and hereby claims his
constitutional rights. For that action, he cannot properly be found guilty of a
crime or be incarcerated. A law that improperly infringes on constitutional
rights is void from its inception and no person can be obligated to obey such a
law. 16A AmJur2d Constitutional Law, §203 (1998). Habeas Corpus may be used to
challenge the unconstitutionality of legislation. id §134, ref. 13 AmJur Pl
& Pr forms, Hab C.§§81,82. Federal Rule of Civil Procedure
60(b)(4) controls post trial motions ( in form of corum nobis ?) relating to
void judgments. Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 12(b)(2) authorize challenge
to jurisdiction at anytime. Legal encyclopedia 46 AmJur2d Judgments, section 27,
informs us "in the absence of jurisdiction over the person, any judgment or
order the court might enter against defendant is void." Section 31
continues with "a void judgment is a complete nullity and without legal
effect...and is open to attack or impeachment in any proceeding, direct or
collateral...where the invalidity appears upon the face of the record."
DISCLAIMER
This article is not to be considered as legal advice. The case analysis is considered to be accurate but the writer is not responsible for any use made of the information.
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jcarter@snappyisp.com
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